On Oct. 3, 1977, Rosie Jiménez—a 27-year-old mother, student and aspiring teacher in McAllen, Texas—died after being denied Medicaid coverage for abortion. Nearly 50 years later, the policy that killed her is still on the books.
Texas through a feminist lens: stories of resistance, resilience and reproductive justice in the Lone Star State.
MAGA Republicans are back in the White House, and Project 2025 is their guide—the right-wing plan to turn back the clock on women’s rights, remove abortion access, and force women into roles as wives and mothers in the “ideal, natural family structure.” We know an empowered female electorate is essential to democracy. That’s why day after day, we stay vigilant in our goals to dismantle patriarchy at every turn. We are watching, and we refuse to go back. This is the War on Women Report.
Since our last report:
—A judge in Missouri is currently deciding whether a proposed amendment that would ban abortion in the state’s constitution can appear on the 2026 ballot … even though Missourians voted just last fall to keep abortion legal in the state.
—The Trump administration announced in August that it would remove gender-affirming care from the health services offered to federal workers.
—Mississippi declared a public health emergency as the state’s infant mortality rate soars to a rate nearly double the national average.
… and more.
In a move that surprised no one, Texas Gov. Greg Abbott recently signed HB 7 into law, allowing private citizens to sue anyone who manufactures, distributes or mails abortion medication to Texas residents. But this law is more than just another restriction—it signals that Texas isn’t content to enforce its near-total abortion ban within state lines. With HB 7, the state is now targeting out-of-state actors, making clear that antiabortion lawmakers are determined to export their bans beyond Texas and reshape abortion access nationwide.
This tactic exposes the lie at the heart of the “states’ rights” argument that fueled the fight to overturn Roe v. Wade. The goal was never to return abortion policy to individual states; it was always to prevent access wherever abortion is legal. Post-Dobbs, patients have continued to travel or use telehealth to obtain care, and states like Texas are responding with aggressive measures—state “trafficking” laws and multi-state lawsuits—to block access across borders. HB 7 is just the latest example of how far antiabortion states will go to control abortion nationally.
In an unprecedented move toward a total abortion ban, SB 323 seeks to apply federal Racketeer Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act (RICO) laws to abortion providers to criminalize the procedure and further restrict birth control.
The bill, introduced in February and drafted by National Right to Life, the oldest antiabortion organization in the country, outlines legislation that would impose a near-total ban in South Carolina—where a strict six-week ban has already been in place since May of 2023.
A hearing before the Senate Medical Affairs Subcommittee is scheduled for Oct. 1.
Jessica Valenti and Kylie Cheung in Abortion, Every Day called the bill “a shocking attack on free speech. Referring someone for an abortion would be a felony, as would sharing information about how to get an abortion. Pro-choice websites would be illegal … even giving someone gas money to get an out-of-state abortion could land you in prison for 30 years.”
What would you do if your pregnant wife learned that the baby you both desperately wanted was doomed to die just minutes after birth?
Suppose your baby had a fatal condition that prevented lung development, leaving no chance for survival—and that your only opportunity to hold the child alive would be as it gasped for air, turned blue and died in your arms.
Would you follow the wishes of Gov. Greg Abbott and Attorney General Ken Paxton—two men who know nothing about you or your family—and remain in Texas, risking your wife’s health and future fertility in service of their political party’s abortion bans that have no exceptions for babies with fatal fetal anomalies?
Under current New York law, if someone was drinking by choice when they were assaulted, prosecutors can decide not to pursue the case. This law provides prosecutors with an out when it comes to sexual assault, and statistics show they take it. In 2019, prosecutors dropped nearly half of all sexual assault cases in the Manhattan district attorney’s office. A bill proposed in the state legislature is looking to make it harder for prosecutors to throw out sexual assault and rape cases by prohibiting the use of intoxication of the victim as a defense.
All eyes will be on the elections this fall in Virginia, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and beyond. These contests are not just bellwethers for next year’s midterms—they’re critical tests of how far Americans will go to defend women’s rights and equality at the state and national levels.
Women’s votes will be decisive. Pollster Celinda Lake told Ms. that women “are our own voters, we make up our own minds.” That independence has shaped elections for decades, with women consistently leaning more Democratic than men. This fall—from Virginia’s history-making two-woman governor’s race, to Pennsylvania’s Supreme Court retention battles—reproductive rights and equality are squarely on the ballot.
The message is clear: State-level elections matter profoundly, especially for women. The Dobbs decision pushed abortion and gender equality battles back to the states, and now voters must decide who will stand up for their rights.
Shield laws, telehealth providers and international networks mean Texas’ new bounty-style restrictions are unlikely to stop abortion pills from reaching patients.
“It’s possible that some of the providers may step back, but access is still going to be possible by mail in Texas, regardless of this attempt to instill fear in people,” said Elisa Wells, co-founder and access director at Plan C, which researches and shares information about how people are accessing abortion pills in the United States. “The more crazy stuff that the Texas legislature does around this to try and block access, the more visible the option of pills by mail becomes.”
Texas Republicans recently passed another law to prevent abortions—one that rewards family members with at least $100,000 for snitching.
House Bill 7 passed the Texas Legislature and Gov. Greg Abbott is expected to sign it by Sept. 24, which is the deadline for him to take action on it.
It would allow private citizens to file lawsuits against any person intending to help obtain abortion pills in the state, anyone distributing abortion pills or any company shipping abortion pills into Texas. If the lawsuit is successful, they’d receive at least $100,000 for their efforts.
There’s a caveat: If the private citizen is not related to a pregnant woman seeking abortion pills, they would only receive $10,000, with $90,000 going to the charity of their choice, if they win their lawsuit. If the private citizen is related to a pregnant woman seeking abortion pills, however, they’d get to keep the full $100,000.
Plus, in a dangerous twist for medical providers across the country, a woman who was pregnant and used abortion medications to end her pregnancy can actually turn around and sue her own provider in an attempt to get $100,000.